Strategic Supply Chain Management (REPORT) Essay

Strategic Supply Chain Management (REPORT) - Essay Example However, it is important for businesses to realize that the pillar of any business is its supply chain. Thus it is important to critically analyze the supply chain of the business. Supply chain deals with all the processes undertaken to provide a valued product or service to the customer. Thus the supply chain consists of processes right from the source, to the make and lastly to the delivery. Ensuring that the service or the product reaches the final delivery in the standard quality with minimum cost, is what makes a company profitable (Taylor, 2010). In order to understand the feasibility of the supply chain management, we will consider a case in point relating to British Airways. Since British Airways is a well established and successful organization, it will also have well established supply chain process. Let’s discover whether the supply chain of British Airways can improve according to the changing requirements of British Airways. British Airways is a name well known around the globe for its global airline service throughout the year at low fares. It also has the honour of being flag carrier airline for the United Kingdom. British Airways was formerly known as Imperial Airways. British Airways has a very good repute amongst its customers as it is known to be environment friendly. The company constitutes almost 48000 employees. Despite the economic crunch, the company has managed to maintain successful operations and is constantly striving to increase its profitability in the coming years. However that is only possible if the company identifies and builds upon its core competencies aligned with the changing trends of the global environment. The success of any company is determined by how it operates. The existing success of British Airways can be determined by the same reason. In the current situation, the company has set an exceptionally well working environment by determining certain KPIs

The Definition Of The Word 'Spirit' Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

The Definition Of The Word 'Spirit' - Essay Example The American heritage dictionary (2009) defines spirit as ‘The vital principle or animating force within living beings’. Spirit is somewhat similar to but not the same as ‘soul’ considered departing the human body at the time of death. The term spirit took its present form during the middle stages of evolution in the English language. The term was derived from the French word ‘espirit’, which in turn was derived from Latin word ‘spiritus’, meaning breathes (The American Heritage Dictionary, 2009). Spirit has no solid or physical form. The only form it takes is when it combines with matter, and that is the form of a living being. Consciousness cannot pertain to a spirit unless through the means of matter (Theosophy, 1966). In the metaphysical context, the spirit is considered to be a form of energy, which is non-quantifiable and is present in all beings that are living. Life stems from spirit, without spirit, all matter is lifeless ( Wikipedia, 2009). The word spirit may also sometimes refer to a supernatural existence, like a demon, angel or a fairy (The American Heritage Dictionary, 2009). The other meaning of the word spirit is that used in medicine and health. In general medicine, the spirit is a volatile chemical that is used as a disinfectant for bruises and cuts. Methylated spirit, commonly known as ‘spirit’ is denatured alcohol. It is undrinkable and poisonous (Boggan, 2003). Chemically, the Methylated spirit is also known as ethanol. It is medicinally used as an antiseptic and disinfectant. It is also used for removal of fungus from the skin. Spirit also has a lot of uses outside medicine. It is used as a cleaning agent in housekeeping, as fuel, for killing bugs, for maintenance of wicks and as a sanding aid (Boggan, 2003). Yet another sense in which the word is used is that of alcoholic beverages. Spirit is defined as any unsweetened, alcohol-based, distilled beverage, which has at least 2 0% alcohol by volume in it (Alexis, 1987). There are many forms of liquors that fall under the umbrella of ‘spirit’. Spirits may include wine, beer sake of whiskey. Spirits can be prepared based on different criteria. The preparation of a spirit may depend on serving size, the volume of alcohol, strength or power of alcohol, flavor, and flammability (Alexis, 1987). The use of the word spirit in the context of alcohol is therefore very common especially at places where alcohol is sold. For example, on may use the word spirit as: ‘Do you sell spirits?’ or ‘I am not into spirits’ etc. Different philosophical and religious schools of thought have a different concept regarding ‘spirit’. In ancient Greek philosophy, a popular concept was that God sends guardian spirits for His people, to protect them from all evil. This idea later refined into the concept of guardian angels. Angels are defined as spirits that do not have any form and are made of energy. All spirits are believed to exist in the cosmos, at a plane different from ours. Most of the philosophers believe that spirit alone is formless. According to the Buddhist concept, where there is form, there is the reason for suffering. So it is believed that when the body of the man, the objective man is annihilated, the spirit is liberated and reaches bliss. The subjective life of man is the spirit which cannot be corrupted and is immortal. The spirit does not die (Theosophy, 1966).

Assessment Of mice and men Essay Example for Free

Assessment Of mice and men Essay Of mice and men is a novel by john Steinbeck about two migrant agricultural labourers George Milton and Lennie Small. At the outstart they are working at a ranch in northern California. The ranch is a microcosm of the macrocosm that was in America at that time in 1939. During this period of failed businesses, harsh poverty, and long-term unemployment, we see how people attempted to survive on the ranch. In this essay I am going to clarify how Steinbeck presents the theme of discrimination in chapter 3. Discrimination seems particularly unpleasant on the ranch because there are lonely, isolated characters, who looking are for friends and an escape from solitariness. In chapter 3 we see discrimination in the form of racism, ageism and sexism. The victims of discrimination in this novel are: Crooks, a black stable buck; Curleys Wife, the farm owners neglected daughter-in-law; and Candy, an old, disabled housekeeper. Crooks, is terribly discriminated against because of his natural skin colour, which he has no choice to change it. Spose you couldnt go into the bunk house and play rummy cause you was black this illustrates that the migrants on the ranch discriminate against him by having him left out of the gang. Furthermore he lives in a little shack on his own. They dont treat him equally; in fact it almost feels like as if they dont see him as human being. They dont care about his feelings and emotions; nevertheless this isolation has consequently affected his mental and physical well being. Crooks is not allowed to enter the Bunk house, whereas Candys dog can. Therefore clearly this shows that they treat animals better than him. Although the dog has someone that looks out for him, crooks has no one except his books. Despite him believing that Books aint no good. Crooks had a bright childhood where he could play with white children and socialise with them, but this discrimination against him has affected him deeply. He never accepted this way of life unlike other slaves of his time, I got a right to have a light this shows that he is aware of his rights, even when he is having a simple conversation with mentally ill Lennie, who has no idea about rights not even his. Evidently this discrimination made crooks desperate for a companionship, A guy goes nuts if he aint got nobody this demonstrates that crooks has gone to the point where he is dying for a shoulder to cry on, even Lennie with a childlike brain. Dont make no difference who the guy is, longs hes with you, This implies that he doesnt care if the friend is white or black, furthermore it shows that crooks is not racist. He plays horseshoes all day as an attempt to be liked and be accepted for what he is. Similarly Candy is discriminated against because of his age. As they know that he hasnt got the physical strength to defend himself or his dog, they take advantage of him and forced him to allow his only friend to be killed. Steinbeck used this to clarify that within the society the powerful ones rule the helpless and no matter what we do there will always be evil around us. Whynt you get candy to shoot his dog. This makes candy think that this could be the prospect for him when he gets useless. It drove him to the desperation point of putting his life saving into the hands of complete strangers wanting to escape from the same ending as his beloved dog. The men on the ranch describe the dog as a stinking hound and an old bastard. Candy feels dejected as he says I wish somebody would shoot me when I become useless. He feels left out and not respected because of his age as they killed his only friend, he feels that he doesnt wish to live without his precious dog anymore. Candy, a lost old man, hes missing a hand and his most reliable and trust worthy companion. i lost my hand my hand right here on this ranch, thats why they gave me a job swampin' this worries candy that he will get fired soon because if he can no longer work he will be dispensable. Steinbeck used this character because the older generation would relate to him. Curleys wife is the only women on the ranch. Everybody makes fun of her; they dont talk to her as a friend because shes a woman. Aint I got a right to talk to nobody? Whatta they think I am anyways?.This quotation shows that she is quarantined from the other migrants just like crooks and candy they are all isolated characters. The men on the ranch dont give a chance to get to know her personally, they just labelled her a trouble maker, and being Curleys wife doesnt do her any favour. As we never hear her real name in the book it shows how belittled she is, she is seen as a property of Curleys. Steinbeck did this because back in those days men were dominant and women were just seen as house wives. The men on the ranch act on their prejudice calling her nasty names such as a rattrap, jailbait, and tart. Due to this she feels alone and discriminated against, because she is only seeking for attention to make friends, shes is not what they describe to be. Curleys wife is desperate for a companion just like candy and Crooks; she wants someone to listen to her because Curley is never around, he never gives her the attention she needs, I dont like Curley, he aint a nice fella, clearly shows that she isnt happy, she feels trapped and lonely. Due to this she wonders around the ranch looking something to do, someone to talk to. Overall in conclusion Steinbeck carefully used these types of characters, because they each represent different society at that time of the book. Racism was very high and discrimination against women and the elderly were very common. I think the novel has relevance in our culture; it portrays the issues of discrimination and racism. I think Steinbeck wrote this book to show the world that within our society we have a disgusting habit of making other feel down.

Ethnicity and Genocide in Rwanda

Ethnicity and Genocide in Rwanda Tracing the origins of a genocide is a treacherous undertaking. If simply recording the facts can be difficult, due to the chaotic and brutal disregard of human existence and culture, then tracing the social, cultural and political origins/causes is highly problematic. If the interpreter chooses to trace these origins to the distant past, by considering peculiar cultural developments and tensions then he/she can be accused of absolving those who were actively involved in the genocide of the responsibility that should be attributed to them. If on the other hand, the interpreter chooses merely to concentrate on the motivations of those involved then this can be at the expense of a broader understanding of the circumstances that enabled such motivations to flourish. This dilemma certainly confronts efforts to explain the most notorious genocide in human history, in Germany during the second world war. Hannah Arendt for example, asked us, disturbingly, to think of Eichman as just a burea ucrat trying to do the best for his career and family as a creation of the dark side of modernity. In attempting to explain a more recent, equally brutal, genocide in Rwanda in 1994 we are once again confronted by the interpretive dilemma described above. In the case of Rwanda the issue for those attempting to explain why almost 1 million people were murdered in the space of just a few months, has been the extent to which ethnicity was the decisive factor. Was it ethnic tension and rivalry that erupted, horrifically, into the mass killing of a minority ethnic group by another majority ethnic group? If so then how did such viscous ethnic tension emerge? Was it an artificial creation of colonial rule, that was very likely to eventually end in violent conflict? Or were ethnic tensions between the Hutu and Tutsi the deliberate construction of power groups bent on the annihilation of their enemies, their competitors for power. And to what extent were these tensions class based rather than ethnic? In the following essay I shall show how there is more at stake in assessing the contributi on of ethnicity to the genocide in Rwanda than the degree to which ethnicity was a factor. Moreover, it is very clear that ethnicity played a part but the key issue is when, who, how and for what purpose was ‘ethnic’ division created? Our answers to these questions will lead us to the very meaning of the ethnicities themselves. Ethnicity and Genocide Before we can begin to address the particular case of Rwanda however we should clarify what will be meant by both ethnicity and genocide. The term ethnicity is usually employed to refer to the identity of a group of people who share a particular geography, language, history, religion, habits and customs that can be distinguished from other such groups. Whether this identity is ‘imaginary or real’, as Obi Zgwanda notes, is irrelevant. What matters is that there is a perception of ethnic differences and that this perception guides the actions and interactions of those who hold to them. It is important also to note here that ethnicity is a social identity that is not necessarily confined by, or the product of, precise geographical boundaries. Indeed Africa is a good example of a region that consists of many ethnicities that pre-date the establishment of geographical boundaries. Moreover, just because a certain social identity is not geographically demarcated against another social identity, it’s other, does not mean that the social identity in question is any less describable as ethnic (Igwara, 1995: 7) The term genocide requires a much more formal definition. This is because there often seems to be some confusion between killing that is motivated by ethnic hatred and the deliberate, planned attempt to eliminate a certain ethnic group which is what we shall understand to be genocide. The distinction is important because it is much easier to understand the socio-historical causes of violence between ethnic groups than it is to trace the socio-historical legacy that led to genocide. In other words, there may exist ethnic tensions or competing ethnicities but it is a big step to then understand them as the key contributing factor in genocide. And once we recognise that genocide is planned and deliberate then we also have to take into account the motivations of the planners of the genocide. In other words, we need to consider the extent to which ethnicity was manipulated by actors bent on the paranoid accumulation of power and wealth. Hutu and Tutsi as ethnicities? Hutu and Tutsi are the two main ethnic groupings in Rwanda. But are they really distinct ethnic groupings. After all, they share the same language and customs and are not divided by religion either. Indeed, they also share the same geography. The Hutu, who are the majority group, have been historically distinguished, most significantly, merely by their occupation as farmers of the land whereas Tutsi are mainly cattle farmers. To be sure this is an important difference, in that ownership of cattle has traditionally been thought of as the chief measure of status. There are some who believe that Tutsi and Hutu can be distinguished also by appearance but then there are others still who believe that this is mythical, a social imagination of former Tutsi rule which explains why they are thought to be taller. In any case, the pre-twentieth century history of Tutsi and Hutu suggest that the two groups were different not as ethnicities as such but as two layers of a caste system. This would perhaps explain why prior to the twentieth century the Hutu and Tutsi coexisted relatively peacefully; certainly if the cultural and economic hierarchy between Tutsi and Hutu was internalised as a natural order within the social identities of the two groupings. Indeed, to describe the Hutu and Tutsi as ethnicities may indeed be a Eurocentric way of classifying the differences between the two groups that wants to divide up the world into distinct ethnicities, much in the way that nations are divided up. To put the point differently, it is rather like understanding the middle and working classes in Britain as separate ethnicities. To conclude this section, if the genocide carried out by Hutu against Tutsi is to be understood in terms of ethnicity then the ethnicity we are referring to must surely be a recent creation and therefore, perhaps less decisive as a factor? Colonialism and the construction of ethnicity It is now widely recognised that colonial rule of Africa, and other parts of the world, created tensions that otherwise might not have existed. There are two key reasons for this effect. Firstly, the dividing up of Africa by European powers in the 19th and early 20th century created artificial boundaries which subsequently became states, and which would later become the subject of dispute and violent conflict. Secondly, and more significantly in the case of Rwanda colonialism imposed what is called the settler/native dialectic. The settler/native dialectic did not just impose a hierarchy it established an altered consciousness in which social identities were relative to the superiority of the colonist (Mamdani, 2001). Moreover, consent to colonial rule was imposed not just through force but through a kind of cultural assimilation in which the native was encouraged to aspire to the cultural and economic superiority of the settler. This surely had the effect of heightening tensions bet ween groups that were privileged or marginalised within this dialectic thus feeding a key ingredient of ethnicity, namely otherness (Mamdani, 2001) German control of Rwanda up until the first world war certainly followed the logic of colonialism described above. Throughout German occupation the dominance of the Tutsi was further institutionalised through administrative and economic structures. And the enforcement of a tax regime meant that the Tutsi were both partly responsible for and beneficiaries of the collection and allocation of revenue. However, it was Belgian colonialism that had the most significant impact on relations between Hutu and Tutsi, and the social construction of ethnic identity in Rwanda. There are several key factors here. Firstly, after taking control of the colony after world war one, the Belgian authorities introduced formal ethnic identification. Every Rwandan was forced to carry identity cards stating their ethnic identity, i.e Hutu or Tutsi. Placed alongside the continued support for the Tutsi elite and the explicit belief that the Tutsi were superior to the Hutu, physically and culturally, this surely had the effect of polarising the ‘ethnic’ contrast between the two groups (Igwara, 1995: 46) Worse still, the Belgian authorities attempted to make Rwanda into a profitable colony and thus enforced a much harsher regime than under the Germans. Since much of the administration of this regime was carried out by the Tutsi an actual dynamic of tension was set in place that was to unfold throughout the twentieth century. The Belgian colonisers certainly helped to ensure, albeit unintentionally, that this dynamic became conflictual and violent. In the 1950’s signs of unrest amongst the Hutu population in reaction to their oppressed condition led the Belgian authorities to introduce a greater measure of equality between the Hutu and Tutsi. Moreover the growing confidence and deepened collective consciousness of the Hutu eventually resulted in a bloody overthrow by the Hutu of the Tutsi regime in 1959. From 1962 onwards the Hutu reversed the Tutsi dominance, often just as brutally as the regime that it replaced. By the 1990’s the Hutu and Tutsi were divided, at least, by divergent collective memories of the past, or in other words by conflicting ethnic identities. By way of conclusion to our summary of the effects of colonialism, we can say that the colonial control of Rwanda clearly established tensions that might not otherwise have existed, which had the effect of strengthening the ethnic self-consciousness of the Hutu and Tutsi (Mamdani, 2001). Though we have not yet established the degree to which ethnicity contributed to the genocide in Rwanda, it is clear that the tensions that were present in the early 1990’s were ethnic ones, even if they were only recently created. By this time the perceived cultural differences between the Hutu and Tutsi were not mere economic. The Genocide It is one thing to establish that the genocide occurred against a background of decades of ethnic strife, but quite another to claim this strife was the decisive factor in the genocide. To claim that ethnicity was the decisive factor in the genocide is perhaps to suppose that the genocide was spontaneous, that it was the rising to the surface of ethnic injustice and hatred whose will was carried out by the militia who slaughtered so many Tutsi, in such a short space of time. But perhaps this is what the perpetrators of the genocide would like us to believe. Perhaps it would be more accurate to claim, following the definition of Genocide outlined above, that the genocide was deliberate and planned and that the ethnic hatred, and thus the particular ethnicity that played a part was also deliberately cultivated for the purpose of carrying out genocide. There are several key factors here. Firstly whilst its scale was unprecedented in Rwanda, the genocide arguably began sometime before 1994. During the late 1980’s and early 1990’s a series of progroms were carried out. These were smaller scale brutal killing expeditions by Hutu militia, coordinated by the Hutu government, most probably in preparation for genocide on a much greater scale (Freeman, 1998). The Hutu government appeared to have arrived at the conclusion that the surest way to permanently secure its power base was the elimination of the Tutsi. The rhetoric of the regime during this period certainly seems to confirm this. But the Hutu suppression of the Tutsi during this period, under the leadership of Habyarimana, was not simply motivated by the desire to ethnically cleanse. Even though viscous ethnocentric rhetoric was employed the Hutu government were perhaps more fearful of the consequences of the pressure that was being brought on them by external powers for democratic reform and thus the i nclusion of the Tutsi. The progroms then, and the eventual genocide may be seen as an attempt to eliminate any threat to its power base before it was required to relent to pressure for democratic reform. Indeed, the introduction of democratic reform during the early 1990’s only further strengthened the Hutu governments cause. More press freedom and the establishment of new political parties only led to more pro-Hutu and more anti-Tutsi rhetoric. This rhetoric was also more specifically targeted against the Arusha accords which were supposed to establish a power-sharing arrangement with the Tutsi. To be sure, the chances for the success of the accords was diminished also by the invasions between 1990-93 of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) a Tutsi led militia force based in Uganda. However the fear amongst the Hutu elite that if the accords were realised they would lose their cultural and political positions was more decisively a factor in their racialisation of Rwanda politic s during the period before the genocide. The extent to which the Rwandan genocide was planned and thus the result of a power struggle rather, merely, than ethnicity, is evidenced by the events that led up to the genocide in the months before. On April 6th 1994 a plane carrying the president was shot down by a missile, killing everyone on board. But in the same day of the attack, Hutu militia were out on patrol checking the identities of all passers by if they were Tutsi they were brutally murdered with machete’s (Freeman, 1998: 49). The killing that ensued then was immediate and on a mass scale during a period of just 3 months. Estimates of the number of Tutsi killed ranged between 700,000 and 1 million. The apparent suddenness of the genocide as well as the inaction of the international community should not however, disguise the significant and not well concealed evidence that the genocide was planned even predictable. Indeed the attack on the presidents aeroplane is still shrouded in mystery. It is unclear who ca rried out the attack and some suspect that it may have been Hutu extremists concerned that the Hutu government would relinquish some of its power base to the Tutsi. And it should also be noted that the genocide was not just targeted at Tutsi but Hutu moderates. The relative absence of ethnicity as a factor in the summary above leaves out an important question however. How is it, if the genocide was a planned attempt by the Hutu elite to eliminate any potential threat to its power-base, that so many people participated in the genocide. However, only 10% of the Hutu population participated in the killings. The image that is often portrayed of the people killing their neighbours often obscures this statistic. It is true that Tutsi and Hutu lived in the same communities and spoke the same language and even married each other but one cannot make the further step that the genocide was the spontaneous eruption of ethnic hatred. Clearly, the events and origins of the genocide in Rwanda are highly contested. Indeed, it is important to include here the interpretation of the events offered by western governments and the western media. There is much evidence to suggest that both the U.S and France had the operational military capability to intervene ra pidly and decisively to halt the genocide. Furthermore the shooting down of the presidents plane has never properly been investigated, either by the U.N, American or Belgian authorities. Moreover Rwanda represents a massive failure on a number of fronts. The most blatant failure was clearly that of the United Nations for pathetically sending in peacekeeping troops that were merely able to stand by and watch the slaughter. Then there is the failure, and apparent inconsistency of the ‘American empire’ to decisively intervene despite its interventions elsewhere. And there is also the failure to prevent the genocide, to do anything about the preparations for genocide. Indeed, Rwanda was actually viewed as a model of development of an example of the success of international development aid. This is despite the substantial use of international aid for the funding Hutu militia and the luxurious lifestyles of the Hutu elite. From the perspective of these failed actors, or non-actors, it is certainly much more convenient either to understand what happened in Rwanda as ‘civil war’ or to understand it as a sudden eruption of ethnic tensions that defy easy explanation. Curiously, by laying the blame for the genocide at the door of colonialism the cultural studies, post-colonial explanation for the genocide in Rwanda actually ends up allying itself with the former colonial powers who apparently ‘powerless’ to intervene. Conclusion Whilst ethnicity is clearly a factor in the genocide in Rwanda, we need to be careful the way in which and the degree to which attribute this factor. Firstly, historically the Tutsi and Hutu have been divided along class rather than ethnic lines. Their differences do not take the form of ethnic differences in the European sense of the term. Secondly, whilst the colonial intensification of tensions between the Hutu and Tutsi created a consciousness of ethnicity that might not otherwise have existed we should be careful when attempting to trace the specific and brutal act of genocide to the legacy of colonialism. Thirdly, the years, months, days and hours that proceded the genocide suggest that it was planned and thus not a sudden eruption of ethnic tension and hostilities as is sometimes implied. Bibliography John A. Berry and Carol Pott Berry (eds.), Genocide in Rwanda:  A Collective Memory. Washington, DC: Howard University  Press, 1999. Charles Freeman, Crisis in Central Africa Hove: Wagland, 1998 Mahmood Mamdani, When Victims Become  Killers: Colonialism, Nativism, and the Genocide in Rwanda. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001. Obi Igwara, Ethnic Hatred: genocide in Rwanda London: ASEAN, 1995

Scars of Sethe and Paul D in Toni Morrisons Beloved Essay -- Toni Mor

The Scars of Sethe and Paul D in Beloved Scars are undoubtably an incredible means of storytelling in Beloved. No matter how a person changes or what happens to them, these marks are another bit of tangible history, following each of them wherever they may go. These physical characteristics are what one can believe in, more than what is said or written. When written and oral language can many times not be trusted, physical characteristics provide another more certain form of communication--one that cannot be biased or altered. People not only know the identity of someone by knowing their scars, but each scar tells a story of what a person has gone through. Sethe's back and the scars caused by her beating are important in the story in terms of telling a story of what she's been through, providing a way in which she and some of the other characters may connect. For example, Paul D learns more about Sethe and is able to connect with her through her scars. When Sethe first attempts to explain to Paul D what had happened to her on pages 16-7, he has trouble understanding the true...

do not go gentle into that goodnight by dylan thomas Essay -- essays r

Do Not Go Gentle Into That Good Night - Dylan Thomas [1914-1953] Relevant Background Dylan Thomas was born at home in Swansea, Wales in 1914. His parents were middle class. His father was a schoolmaster in English at the local grammar school. Dylan Thomas was anxious in himself as a child and sometimes unwell. He was often absent from school and dropped out at sixteen. He preferred to read on his own. He did very well in English and reading, but neglected other subjects. As a poet it is clear that Dylan Thomas enjoyed playing with language. ‘Do Not Go Gentle into That Good Night’ is an emotional and touching appeal to his dying father not to die. Though Dylan’s father was an English teacher, he didn’t like his job. However, Dylan was always grateful to his father for giving him a love of literature. Thomas feared, respected, and deeply loved his father. His father had been ill a long time without realising that he was dying. Thus he couldn’t show his father this emotional poem. Dylan Thomas spoke this poem to his father in his mind, but not in real life. The poem is a villanelle. A villanelle is made up of five stanzas of three lines followed by a final stanza of four lines. See the note on ‘Form’ below. It is normal for two of the lines to be repeated in a pattern throughout the poem. So even though it is a nineteen-line poem, there are only thirteen individual lines of poetry to understand. Dylan Thomas’ poetry is known for its vivid and often fantastic imagery. He drank himself to death in a drinking session in New York City in 1953. Summary In the first stanza or tercet the poet urges his very ill father to fight his illness. It is expressing a hope rather than an actual command because his father never heard the poem. Dylan Thomas declares that even in old age the old should violently resist their death. The poet urges his father to angrily hold on to his life. In the second stanza, Thomas states that wise men may know that death is natural but they too resist death violently. They hold on because they realise they have not made a sufficient impact on society with their wisdom. In the third stanza, Thomas states that honest men don’t accept their death because they want to live on to give more good example to others. In the fourth stanza, Thomas states that men who lived mad and wild lives don’t give in at the end. Thomas d... ... sounds to emphasise anger and fighting in ‘Rage, Rage, against’. Notice the use of long ‘i’ sounds in the remainder of the line to express sadness ‘dying of the light’. Sibilance [repetition of ‘s’ sound] The four ‘s’ sounds in ‘Curse, bless me now with your fierce tears’ create music and a mixture of tender and angry feelings. Form It is an elaborately structured villanelle. A villanelle is made up of five stanzas of three lines [tercets] followed by a quatrain, a unit of four lines of poetry. The opening line of the poem, the first line in the first stanza, also ends the second and fourth tercets. The third and final line of the first tercet ends the third and fifth tercet as well as the quatrain at the end of the poem. Rhyme There are just two end sounds shared by all the lines in the poem: ‘ight’ and ‘ay’. The poem follows the strict rhyme scheme of the villanelle. The first and third lines of each of the three-line stanzas rhyme with the same end sound for all those stanzas. The second line of all the stanzas rhyme. In the four-line stanza the first line rhymes with the third and the fourth line. ‘Go’ and ‘good’ as well as ‘rage, rage’ create music through internal rhyme.

Boundaries in a dual relationship Essay

What does it mean to have boundaries in a relationship? In the profession of counseling, there is a code of ethics that guides counseling in standards that are required. The code of ethics is designed by The American Counseling Association to protect and serve clients and counselors. Boundaries can include small things such as gifts, outside of the office meeting, eating lunch, and of course physical touch, sexual relations and personally networking socially. A dual relationship can be defined as both therapeutic and personal when it comes to the relationships that occur between counselor and client (Pearson, B & Piazza N). Although they are relatively easy to define, it can be considered difficult when legality and ethics are involved. In order to integrate certain criteria into an ethical decision-making model, one must first understand what is ethically appropriate in the world of counseling. Nearly most of the common types of dual relationships exist because there is a lack of ju dgment on the professional side (AASCB American Association of Studies Counseling). By integrating an ethical decision-making model, both counselors and clients can grasp on the indication of whether dual relationships are ethical and/or appropriate. Information-Gathering is a valuable and reliable source for a first step in decision making model. Counselors need to understanding that all of the facts, data, scientific insights, laws and reliable information is imperative and needs to be put together in the right way before making any assumptions. Determining the nature and dimensions of the dilemma can lead to an ethical decision making resolution. Ethical decisions; even those decisions that may be small, having a clear conceptual clarity in regards to what the boundaries are for a client and a counselor is imperative. In the ACA Code of Ethics, if counselors extend boundaries such as going to a client’s graduation or wedding then it must be officially documented in writing before the event that added the rationale for such an interaction. The ACA code of Ethics is a document by which professionals in the world of Counseling used for determining standards and laws. For example if a counselor finds out that her daughter was dating the son of a marriage couple she is counseling in her group sessions. With this kind of case the complexity of issues around dual relationships is not exactly clear. The first step in this case should be to consult with a supervisor. The relationship between the daughter and son is meaningless in the long run.